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Original article: Breve balance de la ofensiva fascista

By Héctor Llaitul

In our analysis, we must first state that the previous «progressive» Chilean government has been responsible for paving the way for the far-right. This phenomenon represents a constant trend in various countries where fascism has resurged recently. This situation contributes to public confusion.

The so-called «pseudo-progressives» present themselves as something they are not, which ultimately proves deceptive. Misled and confused, the populace ends up voting almost as a form of punishment for an option that ultimately harms them. The void left by «progressivism» is shared with traditional leftists, who have not only been defeated but have also accepted their defeat, losing essential lines and principles.

If we pause to examine the actions of progressives in the various countries where they have come to power, we find that they often end up managing the neoliberal model.

This can be observed, for instance, in Spain after Franco’s dictatorship. Felipe González, once a beacon for transitional Chile, and who seemed to hold a radical discourse, soon ended up managing the model with privatizations and unpopular measures.

In Chile, Boric’s government immediately revealed its true liberal essence, which brought disastrous consequences for the Mapuche people. This was done more openly than during González’s time. Similar experiences were seen in neighboring countries, with Lula in Brazil, Correa in Ecuador, Morales in Bolivia, and the Kirchners in Argentina, where reactionary forces were merely waiting for their turn.

Undoubtedly, the Latin American far-right has become the most tutored and subordinate to the U.S. machinery, fully compliant with the interests of U.S. multinational corporations. Recently, American politics have been unforgiving, pushing for a warlike domination, as seen in Venezuela and Cuba.

Perhaps this explains why the progressives in Chile have been so fierce and cruel in pursuing and suppressing the Mapuche and any form of resistance, fully submitting to the prevailing post-dictatorship system and creating conditions for a new neofascist and neocolonial offensive.

Now, with a far-right government and many Pinochetists in power, the progressives have limited themselves to negotiating, using the same Constitution they claimed they wanted to change, manipulating the social and political movement. This movement, by the way, will certainly return to protest while they patiently await another four years attached to the institutional route. They are only interested in positions and end up accepting compromises from power.

In this context, it should not be forgotten that Boric and the parties in his alliance have left behind a much more repressive and modern institutional framework, openly anti-Mapuche, unlike anything seen before (Naim Retamal Law, Anti-Occupations Law, Permanent Militarization, Anti-Terrorism Law, etc.). This framework extends to the social reality of the oppressed in general. They prepared everything; today, the fascists have only to manage and implement the inherited measures.

To better understand the change in government within the inter-bourgeois power dynamics, it is essential to review the realignment of big capital in Mapuche ancestral territory. Our analysis suggests that today, as an oppressed people, we must continue to fight primarily against the capitalist system.

In this regard, the enemy of the Mapuche cause is all capitalist investments in Wallmapu, particularly forestry companies, which uphold the major system of property usurpation against the communities, especially those that once had a project for rearticulating communities and broader territorial spaces for the true composition of the Mapuche Nation. The struggle is primarily against them due to the severe impacts that monocultures inflict upon our ñuke mapu and the ecosystem as a whole.

Alongside the fight against forestry companies, there is also a struggle against various capitalist investment projects that encroach on communities, an occupation arising from dispossession and economic control mechanisms over the territory, a form of occupation driven by «accumulation by dispossession.» We are talking about megaprojects of all kinds that invade and plunder our ancestral lands, such as hydroelectric plants, wind projects, real estate developments, mining operations, roads, etc., where large corporations and big capital appropriate goods, land, and rights from communities for profit.

Moreover, the so-called «clean energy projects» are an illusion, as they are installed on usurped land.

We have previously stated that the last administrations have openly committed to maintaining the system of dispossession at all costs. This reality only benefits large economic groups, and while they may include proposals under more «friendly» silvo-agricultural models, they share an extractivist essence that also affects and undermines Mapuche culture. Not only does this transform the territory for the benefit of capitalism, but it also imposes a pro-capitalist, Western colonial logic that severely impacts the social, political, ideological, and cultural fabric of the Mapuche.

In light of this context, we must uphold our struggle proposal based on the resistance and reconstruction of our nation against all expressions of globalized capitalism. Our main definitions are to confront global imperialism and the local colonial dispossession that we suffer at the hands of the oligarchy and the bourgeois state.

In this sense, we reaffirm that we will maintain an autonomous and revolutionary Mapuche movement, with clearly anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist definitions. These are the foundations for establishing a significant national liberation process for the Mapuche people.

Amulepe taiñ weichan !!
Freedom for all Mapuche political prisoners !!
H. LL

La entrada A Brief Overview of the Fascist Offensive in Chile se publicó primero en El Ciudadano.