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Original article: La barbarie pinochetista volverá a gobernar Chile luego de una capitulación del Gobierno de Gabriel Boric a su programa presidencial

The electoral victory of José Antonio Kast is undeniable: 7,254,850 votes, accounting for 58.16% of the valid votes cast, makes him the most voted candidate in Chile’s history, surpassed only in percentage by Michelle Bachelet’s result against Evelyn Matthei in 2013, when she won with 62% of the votes. This marks the first time an extreme-right candidate has won the presidential elections in our country.

Kast and the Republican Party symbolize a continuation of the original dictatorship project: neoliberal policies in economic and social matters, public order enforced by police and military forces, and religious conservatism aligned with the most reactionary sectors of the Catholic Church and Evangelical Churches. Internationally, they represent an unabashed far-right, akin to figures like Donald Trump in the United States, Javier Milei in Argentina, Daniel Noboa in Ecuador, and the former Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil.

How did Kast manage to win the presidential elections? Who is responsible for the rise of the far-right and the defeat of the leftist candidacy? What can be expected from a Kast government?

The Rise of the Far-Right in Response to the Popular Uprising

The far-right is the other side of the coin of the Popular Uprising of October 2019. The social and popular forces that were at the forefront of the uprising failed to transform into a constituent force, losing ground after signing the Agreement for Peace and the New Constitution—which excluded all economic and social demands—and later with the rejection of the New Constitution project.

This Agreement for Peace and the New Constitution (November 2019) and the agreement in the National Congress that enabled the second constitutional process (December 2022) after the first was defeated were not signed by the Republican Party. They remained on the sidelines, positioning themselves as opposition to Sebastián Piñera after the first agreement was signed, asserting their disagreement with enabling a second constitutional process. Nonetheless, in this latter process—once authorized by Congress—they participated in the elections for constitutional councilors, obtaining 21 of the 50 councilor seats.

Despite the setback in the second constitutional process, which they led and which was rejected by 55% of the electoral register, they managed to outmaneuver the traditional right. They even experienced a split among the right, represented by Johannes Kaiser, who founded the Libertarian National Party. In the regional elections (October 2024), they did not achieve significant victories in individual elections (Mayors and Governors), but they substantially grew as a party in the results of regional councilors and councilmen.

Following this process, they faced their worst moment. Johannes Kaiser began to rise as a competitive and uncontrollable candidate, while Evelyn Matthei secured the top position in presidential preferences. However, after the municipal elections, they launched their digital campaign of trolls and bots to undermine their opponents. It began with Johannes Kaiser and then moved to Evelyn Matthei, whom they even falsely accused of having Alzheimer’s. Despite this network being discovered, it achieved its goal.

In his platform, unlike the 2021 presidential candidacy, they listed only three main topics, which would constitute the national emergency government: migration, security, and the economy.

In this campaign, they succeeded in tapping into the growing xenophobia in Chile, particularly targeting racialized migrant populations like Venezuelans, Colombians, and Haitians, threatening over 300,000 people in irregular migratory situations with expulsion before taking office. Additionally, they have called for a “border closure,” though only referencing unofficial crossings and not the legal points of entry most migrants use.

Secondly, they echoed the country’s prevailing feelings of insecurity, which, despite comparative figures, has led to Chile feeling like the sixth most unsafe place in the world. This sentiment, fostered with essential media power support, has translated into measures to strengthen the police force and grandiose rhetoric on tackling crime. Ironically, Kast won in nearly all the country’s penal institutions.

Ultimately, concerning the economy, they asserted that the country is collapsing and promised to revitalize it through classic neoliberal policies: reducing public spending by $6 billion, cutting taxes for large companies, and eliminating contributions to first homes (property tax). According to Kast, all this would automatically lead to higher growth rates, increased investment, greater tax revenue, and lower public debt and unemployment, despite comparable experiences indicating this does not occur mechanically.

The expulsion of migrants, the restoration of public order, and growth-oriented economic policies have replaced demands aimed at eliminating social inequities, ensuring social rights such as education, health, housing, and social security, and protecting territories from environmental depredation.

Gabriel Boric: Elected with Leftist Votes, Governed with the Right’s Agenda

In the runoff of the 2021 presidential elections, with voluntary voting, Gabriel Boric defeated Kast with 55% of the valid votes cast. This victory was a response to the threat posed by a Pinochetist candidacy with a highly conservative program, and Boric represented a generation that had not governed the country, signifying a potential opportunity for significant social transformations, especially as the first constitutional process was underway.

Despite this decisive victory, Boric’s government chose not to push any reforms until the results of the plebiscite on the first constitutional process were revealed, which took place on September 4, 2022. Thus, from March 11 until that date, there was no political momentum from the government. Instead, they did not bolster the budget for the constitutional body and effectively buried proposals for withdrawing pension funds—measures strongly supported by the left during the pandemic to ease the economic burden on families in the country. Following a failed visit to Temucuicui by the Minister of the Interior on his first day in office, they decided to militarize the Biobío and Araucanía Regions, similar to Piñera’s approach for over a year.

After the defeat of the output plebiscite in September 2022, the government capitulated. Without even voicing opposition, they succumbed to an agenda that was not their own. The self-proclaimed first ecological government in history approved the CPTPP or TPP 11, a free trade agreement whose ratification in Congress had been stalled since the 2019 Popular Uprising. They also promoted a sectoral permits law that loosened environmental regulations.

Former President Sebastián Piñera, who had been pointed out by Gabriel Boric and threatened with accountability in international courts for human rights violations, ended up being labeled a statesman and a democratic man.

In terms of security, things got worse. All security agendas that were previously blocked by the opposition were defended as their own, including regulations that guaranteed impunity for police officers who shot at civilians; amendments aimed at making the Anti-Terrorism Law more effective; and populist penal norms that are quite ineffectual against organized crime.

In terms of foreign policy, along with Milei, they were among the few presidents aligned with Volodymyr Zelensky, the President of Ukraine, and equally condemned the governments of Venezuela and Nicaragua with fervor. This was a cynical policy; while denouncing political imprisonment in Venezuela and Nicaragua, they filed complaints against Héctor Llaitul, the main leader of the autonomous Mapuche movement, who was ultimately sentenced to over 20 years under the Law on Interior Security of the State.

Moreover, concerning health, they provided a bailout to the ISAPRES, the precarious health institutions, instead of moving towards a Unified Health Fund. And regarding pensions, merely to reach an agreement, they ended up bolstering the individual capitalization system and the AFPs by increasing the resources managed by these institutions.

In summary, all the hopes for change associated with Gabriel Boric quickly evaporated, morphing into even more regressive policies than those implemented during Sebastián Piñera’s last presidency.

The continuity and connection of Jeannette Jara’s candidacy with Gabriel Boric’s government became the main structural factor that led to defeat in the second presidential round. Despite broadening her appeal towards the center (Christian Democracy) and unofficial left, it was insufficient to secure an electoral majority, losing across all regions of the country, including the Metropolitan Region.

What to Expect from a José Antonio Kast Government?

Kast, unlike other leaders, has not moderated his agenda at all. He has only maintained decorum and avoided discussing the most controversial topics during his campaign, such as pardons for crimes against humanity and issues in the ‘value agenda’ such as abortion in three circumstances and euthanasia.

Regarding major measures, some have already been announced. Economically, his first actions will include tax cuts for large companies and the elimination of property taxes on first homes, benefiting only the wealthiest in the country. He also announced a new Public Employee Statute to further undermine the labor conditions of government workers.

One of his main proposals is to reduce the fiscal deficit by $6 billion in 18 months, an objective that can only be achieved by cutting funding for social policies. Throughout the campaign, he was unable to clarify which social policies would be affected by these cuts. Only one of his spokespersons, Rodolfo Cárter, admitted they concealed this information because «the next day they would have the country in flames.»

Nevertheless, the macroeconomic figures left by Boric are sound. Foreign investment has increased, inflation is controlled, and although the growth rate is modest, it has been stable. This indicates that only a shift in rhetoric could rapidly change perceptions about the economic trajectory, attributing successes that are not genuinely theirs. Despite this, Kast announced an “economic shock” for the initial months, without clarifying what this entails.

Regarding migration, the statements have been more erratic. The promise to expel 330,000 irregular migrants via planes funded by the migrants themselves has evolved, and only in his victory speech did he declare it would not be easy. It is likely that, like Trump, he will adopt a performative policy of criminalizing migrants and instilling fear among this population.

Finally, in terms of security, it’s highly probable he will extend the military’s presence nationwide to provide a “sense of security.” This would imply extending what Boric did with the Mapuche population to the entire country. A militarization of the nation under the pretext of addressing a “security crisis” could pose significant threats to social organizations and anyone who dares to challenge the reactionary and neoliberal measures implemented by Kast’s government.

As has happened at other historical moments and other global processes, the people of Chile must prepare to resist these years of far-right rule and prevent any further encroachment on our rights.

By Javier Pineda Olcay, Director of El Ciudadano

La entrada Pinochetist Barbarism Returns to Rule Chile After Gabriel Boric’s Government Succumbs to Presidential Agenda se publicó primero en El Ciudadano.